Wednesday, February 28, 2007

More and Faster KMFDM!



KMFDM -- Kein Mitleid fuer die Mehrheit -- NO SYMPATHY FOR THE MAJORITY sings about revolution and anti-militarism. Your Minister puts out for your tired pornified eyes.

No one has screamed about the KMFDM revolution video. Well, "Keep away from Captain Howdy" might be my next volley.

Tuesday, February 27, 2007

KMFDM REVOLUTION MDFMK



Mousnonya does it again.

Your Minister already said: She is NOT PIRAO.

But, the PIRAO's unseen heroism deserves all the support possible. Government, the proletariat have nothing to lose. You are discovering this daily in Iraq.

Your Minister's high rate of artistic production and recruiting is a direct reflection of her strategic confidence in the MIM and the international proletariat.

Basically, government, you can't bribe or blackmail us. You can't even kill us. There's no head to decpaitate, even if you could find us all -- and you can't. We know our ideas will live centuries from now. We are fighting so that there will be a centuries from now. What is the government fighting for? The government is fighting for a fucking pension. Pigs.

At this point, government, you're on damage control, and you haven't even figured out your flattop has already taken 3 kamikazes. That's just an artistic metaphor by the way. But the reality is, that metaphor applies: your bridge and engine room are out of communication with each other and it's going to stay that way. Man yer boats, coz Alice, Bob and Charlie are down for the count and it's primal.

Yeah, I might make Guns of Brixton next just to make the point.

At all events: Your Minister couldn't keep her trap shut. Which is why Your Minister, Loose Canon that she is, belts another one out.

I do hope the Boston office gets its shit together. It's not like the pigs are starving. They have no excuse for becoming corrupt.

Government turncoats! If you really give a damn about more than your pension then you might well consider the tactical advantages to listening to MIM. Because the tactical disadvantages will be surprising. Your Minister will certainly be surprised, pleasantly, at every turn.

Sunday, February 25, 2007

A break for my eyes - Reading Kollontai

IRTR wrote; Bio-wimmin in the united $nakes boast about their sexual "freedom" and condemn the "sexual repression" alleged to have existed in socialist China. Now Amerikkkan bio-wimmin are "free" to dress like whores, act like whores, and be whores. Social preSSure drives them to do so. By contrast, Chinese wimmin fought valiantly to liberate themselves from patriarchy. Having eliminated foot-binding only half a century ago, they are unlikely to view the Amerikkkan pressure to wear stiletto heels as a mark of "freedom."

And that is unfair to sex workers. Further sex workers dress in lots of different ways. There are also male sex workers.

MIM already said that there are ho's and bitches. That its okay to be a ho but it's not okay to be a bitch. MIM also makes clear that first world sex workers are not labor exploited. In fact, first world sex workers get super-wages.

Your Minister knows that IRTR broke with MIM apparently partly because of MIM tolerating Your Minister's work. Your Minister has decided to read up on Kollontai.

Your Minister is not making art for the time being to rest her eyes from eyestrain and also to get up to speed on Kollontai. Your Minister too has searched in vain through MIM for Kollontai. Your Minister has read a bit of Reich and Your Minister rejects Reich's individualist and pacifist approach.

The Clash: London Calling

Idiots at the FBI who have heard of the word compartmentalization better understand one thing right now loudly and clearly: YOUR MINISTER IS NOT PIRAO. Your Minister makes the art she thinks best to advance Maoist line which is all laid out for you in black and white elsewhere. If you FBI/CIA/KKK are trapped in a fantasyland of acronyms, metaphors games and lies that is not my fault. P.S.2 NSA -- having fun sorting the videos for steganography? Markov, Very Large Primes and whatnot.

Since our enemies are on the losing side of history it may help them lose quicker and cleaner if they check this one out: U.$. government civil service career bureaucrat? WHY DOES THE REST OF THE WORLD HATE YOU, YOUR GOVERNMENT, AND THE AMERICAN PEOPLE?

Here's why:



Yeah, this is a semi documentary a different direction, Your Minister is diversifying.

Latest music video, out from Blech, lie

LONDON CALLING



I'd been holding back on this precisely because it's the clash's lead song (same for the guns of brixton) and deserves a really good video. Which Your Minister did not in fact deliver. This was her best effort and she has been looking for good footage for this one (and for the Brixton race riots song) for a while now. Oh well. Better a good plan today than a perfect plan tomorrow.

p.s. just for fun, let's see what happens when the SAS/SBS catch on to the nice video of that little blue on blue action some A10 jet jock caused, all over the sun and in your Minister's portfolio. UKKK already opposing action on Iran and pulling out of Iraq. Yes, we have the latest score: Rebel Islanders 1 owe 1, Home Guard '44.

Meanwhile: Third World War Third Round the weapon of sound.

Friday, February 23, 2007

White Riot



Because whiney Pansy Brigayed IRTR pissed and moaned about the third cardinal I did a couple more videos to directly address those whiners at the pansy brigayed Sorry IRTR yer lack of whinging got a demotion -- a brigayed is smaller than a division.

Why are there no white riots? Oh, we all know why. BECAUSE WHITES ARE NOT A REVOLUTIONARY CLASS IN TEH FIRST WORLD THATS Y.

So... get back to yer whining pansies otherwise Your Minister will go back to making whatever Your Minister damned well pleases.

The Clash: White Man in Hammersmith Palais

Thursday, February 22, 2007

The Clash: Atom Tan


As promised. Playlist please!

Wednesday, February 21, 2007

Anyone trying to approach things at another level and inflame something that isn't there is mistaken.

Your Minister has found and posted art information from Peking Review and other revolutionary Chinese literature below.

"People should do the work they think is important instead of coming with a confused mind-set to IRTR"

Yep.

"IRTR would like to move on to other things."

Roll the film...

"Anyone trying to approach things at another level and inflame something that isn't there is mistaken. Maybe someone needs to learn the difference between scientific struggle and wrecking and psychological methods of manipulation."

That's fair. < reading >

"The door is open for anyone to leave political struggles who didn't know what was going on around them or butt out of struggles they don't think are important anyway -- completely."

Yeah, and since Your Minister isn't PIRAO Your Minister is only too happy to do exactly that. Next slated is the Clash: Atom Tan to oppose imperialist nuclear warfighting, unless of course I get a playlist. MIM has reviewed lots of artists and apparently system of a down has an anti prison song that is slated after Atom Tan -- unless of course IRTR or anyone else proposes some songs they want to see.

"It is those who have decided they are Maoist who are pushing things."

<< I was Mao's dog" >> Jiang Qing; And, Your Minister is MIM's bitch.

"just disagreed with IRTR's way of answering them"

MIM would like to see a public debate on art/culture and revolution. Being said, a lot of that is resolved thanks to Chiang Ching and the talks at Yenan.

"who is taking a Liberal approach here." << Make the Old serve the New >> Chiang Ching

Peking Review documents on art and culture are reproduced below.

Chiang Ching (Jiang Qing) on Art

Literature and Art Workers Hold Rally for Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution
Peking Review, no. 50, December 9, 1966, pp. 5-9

* Important speeches were made by Comrades Chou En-lai, Chen Po-ta and Chiang Ching.

* The rally called upon the revolutionary fighters in literature and art throughout the country to hold high the great red banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought, give prominence to proletarian politics, resolutely implement the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao, thoroughly criticize and repudiate the bourgeois reactionary line, unite on the basis of the principles of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse-tung's thought, complete the tasks of struggle, criticism and transformation and strive to create the most splendid new proletarian literature and art in human history.

* The Military Commission of the Party's Central Committee appointed Comrade Chiang Ching adviser on cultural work to the Chinese People's Liberation Army and decided to incorporate the No. 1 Peking Opera Company of Peking and three other units into the P.L.A.

More than 20,000 revolutionary workers in the field of literature and art from Peking and other parts of China held a rally for the great proletarian cultural revolution in the magnificent Great Hall of the People in Peking on the evening of November 28.

Comrade Chou En-lai, Standing Committee Member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and Premier of the State Council; Comrade Chen Po-ta, Standing Committee Member of the Political Bureau and leader of the cultural revolution group under the Party's Central Committee; and Comrade Chiang Ching, first deputy leader of the cultural revolution group under the Party's Central Committee and adviser on cultural work to the Chinese People's Liberation Army, attended the rally and made important speeches.

The rally took place amid the excellent situation which prevailed following the eight separate reviews of a total of more than 11 million members of the mighty army of the cultural revolution by Chairman Mao Tse-tung, the great teacher, great leader, great supreme commander and great helmsman of the Chinese people, and at a time when tremendous victories had been won by the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao. The rally became a pledge of a general offensive by China's mighty revolutionary contingents in literature and art against the handful of persons in authority in literary and art circles who took the capitalist road, and against the counter-revolutionary revisionist line in literature and art which they represented. It is bound to push the great proletarian cultural revolution forward in the world of literature and art with great vigor and guide the victorious advance of the mighty revolutionary contingents in literature and art throughout China in the direction indicated by Chairman Mao Tse-tung.

Comrade Chen Po-ta's Opening Address

Comrade Chen Po-ta presided over the meeting. In his opening address he said:

Today's meeting is one of great significance. Historically, cultural revolutions, in most cases, begin in the field of literature and art. This is also true of the great proletarian cultural revolution we are now carrying out.

Mao Tse-tung's thought is the guide for China's great proletarian cultural revolution. Comrade Mao Tse-tung has creatively developed the Marxist-Leninist theory of literature and art. Using the proletarian world outlook, he has systematically and thoroughly solved the problems on our literary and art front. At the same time, he has systematically and thoroughly blazed for us a completely new trail for the proletarian cultural revolution.

At the Tenth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party in 1962, Chairman Mao Tse-tung called for taking firm hold of the class struggle in the ideological field. Following this great call and under the direct guidance of Mao Tse-tung's thought, there has been an upsurge in reforming Peking opera, ballet, symphonic music and other art forms -- revolutionary reforms designed to make the ancient serve the present, to make foreign things serve China and to weed through the old to let the new emerge. Peking opera and other art forms have been used to portray the epic of the heroic struggles of the masses led by the Chinese proletariat. This new creation has given Peking opera, ballet, symphonic music and other art forms a new lease of life, not only making them completely new in content but greatly improved in form and different in appearance from before. Plays on contemporary revolutionary themes have appeared on the stage everywhere. The new proletarian literature and art has an unprecedented appeal for the masses. The reactionaries and counter-revolutionary revisionists, however, revile and bitterly hate this new literature and art for no other reason but because the role of this new literature and art will greatly enhance our people's political consciousness and will greatly strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist system in our country.

I want to say here that, among the comrades who have persisted in this policy of revolution in literature and art and waged unremitting struggles against the reactionaries and counter-revolutionary revisionists. Comrade Chiang Ching has made outstanding contributions.

History has smashed the pipe dream of the reactionaries and counter-revolutionary revisionists. The revolution in literature and art after the Tenth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Party became the real beginning of our country's great proletarian cultural revolution

The history of literature and art is full of sharp conflicts. The conflicts between the new and the old and between the modern and the ancient are reflections of the class struggle in society. The bourgeois in the period of the bourgeois revolution used the new literature and art of the time as an important weapon in destroying feudalism. Likewise, the proletariat today must use its own new literature and art serving the workers, peasants and soldiers as a weapon in destroying the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes. After the conquest of political power by the proletariat, the bourgeoisie is not reconciled to quitting the stage of history. Chairman Mao has often pointed out to us that the overthrown bourgeoisie is trying, by all methods, to use the position of literature and art as a hotbed for corrupting the masses and preparing for the restoration of capitalism. Therefore, our tasks in the field of literature and art are not lighter but heavier. Our leadership on the literary and art front should not be weakened but, on the contrary, strengthened still further. In order to fulfill their glorious tasks, our revolutionary literary and art organizations must carry the great proletarian cultural revolution through to the end!

It is utterly wrong to deny that there are conflicts in literature and art so long as classes still exist. In the future communist society, when classes have been eliminated and class contradictions and struggles no longer exist, there will still be conflicts between the new and the old, conflicts which we cannot yet foresee completely or are impossible for us to foresee now. Such conflicts, naturally, will also find their expression in literature and art.

Speech by Comrade Chiang Ching

Comrade Chiang Ching received a thunderous ovation from the entire rally when she went forward to speak.

She described how she came to understand the importance of the great proletarian cultural revolution. Comrade Chiang Ching said: A few years ago, when my fairly systematic contact with certain sections of literature and art began, the first question that arose in my mind was why were plays about ghosts being staged in socialist China? Then also, I was very surprised to find that Peking opera, insensitive as it was to reflecting reality, produced Hai Jui Dismissed from Office, Li Hui-niang and other plays showing seriously reactionary political tendencies. And under the fine pretext of "rediscovering tradition," many works were written portraying emperors, kings, generals and prime ministers, scholars and beauties. There was great talk throughout the literary and art world about "famous plays", "foreign plays" and "ancient plays" and it went out of its way to present them. The atmosphere was choked with emphasis on the ancient as against the contemporary, with worship of the foreign and scorn for the Chinese, with praise or the dead and contempt for the living. I began to feel that if our literature and art could not correspond to the socialist economic base, they would inevitably wreck it.

Comrade Chiang Ching went on: In the wake of the changing struggle between the new and the old in the political and economic fields over a number of years, new literature and art, countering the old, have also made their appearance. New items have been created even in Peking opera, formerly considered the most difficult to reform. As you all know, Lu Hsun was the great standard-bearer leading the cultural revolution over thirty years ago. More than twenty years ago, Chairman Mao defined the orientation for literature and art as service to the workers, peasants and soldiers and he posed the question of weeding through the old to let the new emerge.

To weed through the old to let the new emerge means to develop new content which meets the needs of the masses and popular national forms loved by the people. As far as content is concerned, it is in many cases out of the question to weed through the old to let the new emerge. How can we critically assimilate ghosts, gods and religion? I hold it is impossible, because we are atheists and Communists. We do not believe in ghosts and gods at all. Again, for instance, the feudal moral precepts of the landlord class and the moral precepts of the bourgeoisie, which they considered to be indisputable, were used to oppress and exploit the people. Can we critically assimilate things which were used to oppress and exploit the people? I hold it is impossible, because ours is a country of the dictatorship of the proletariat. We want to build socialism. Our economic base is public ownership. We firmly oppose the system of private ownership whereby people are oppressed and exploited. To sweep away all remnants of the system of exploitation and the old ideas, culture, customs and habits of all the exploiting classes is an important aspect of our great proletarian cultural revolution.

Comrade Chiang Ching continued: As for the old forms of art, our attitude can neither be nihilist nor one of total acceptance. A nation must have its own forms of art, its own artistic characteristics. It is wrong to be nihilist and not take over, in a critical way, the best there is in the art forms and artistic characteristics of our motherland. On the other hand, it is also wrong to take everything as positive and not weed through the old to let the new emerge. As to the outstanding forms of art of the various nations throughout the world, we must act in accordance with Chairman Mao's instructions about "making foreign things serve China" and work at weeding through the old to let the new emerge.

Comrade Chiang Ching said: Imperialism is moribund capitalism, parasitic and rotten. Modern revisionism is a product of imperialist policies and a variety of capitalism. They cannot produce any works that are good. Capitalism has a history of several centuries; nevertheless, it has produced only a pitiful number of "classics." They have created some works modeled after the "classics," but these are stereotyped and can no longer appeal to the people, and are therefore completely on the decline. On the other hand, there are some things that really flood the market, such as rock-and-roll, jazz, strip-tease, impressionism, symbolism, abstractionism, fauvism, modernism -- there's no end to them -- all of which are intended to poison and paralyze the minds of the people. In a word, there is decadence and obscenity to poison and paralyze the minds of the people.

I'd like to ask: Isn't it necessary to make a revolution and introduce changes if the old literature and art do not correspond to the socialist economic base and the classical artistic forms do not entirely fit the socialist ideological content? (shouts of yes! yes! from the audience) I am sure most comrades and friends will agree it is necessary, but it must be conceded that this involves serious class struggle and is a very painstaking and fairly difficult job. Fear of the difficulties involved was greater than it need have been among people in general because for a long time the anti-Party, antisocialist leadership of the old Propaganda Department of the Party Central Committee and the old Ministry of Culture thought up many "reasons" for opposing this revolution and undermining the reform. There was also a handful of people with ulterior motives who attempted to undermine the revolution and oppose change. The reform of Peking opera, the ballet and symphonic music was brought about only after breaking through these difficulties and obstacles.

Comrade Chiang Ching pointed out that the nationwide great proletarian cultural revolution China had moved into since last May had affected almost the whole sphere of ideology. She touched on the question of the sending of cultural revolution work teams to various organizations and said this organizational form, of sending work teams, in the great proletarian cultural revolution was erroneous. And what these work teams had done in the course of their work was still more erroneous! Instead of directing the spearhead against the handful of people in authority within the Party who were taking the capitalist road and against the reactionary academic "authorities," they turned the spearhead against the revolutionary students. The question of what the spearhead of the struggle should be directed against was a cardinal question of right and wrong, one of principles of Marxism-Leninism, of Mao Tse-tung's thought! As early as June this year our Chairman Mao made the point that work teams should not be sent out hastily, but a few comrades sent out work teams hastily without asking Chairman Mao's permission. But it is necessary to point out that the question lies not in the form of the work team but in the principles and policy which it follows. In some units no work teams were sent in, and the original persons in charge were relied upon to conduct the work, yet mistakes were made there nevertheless. On the other hand, some work teams followed correct principles and policy and did not make mistakes. This helps to illustrate the real question at issue.

Comrade Chiang Ching said: Chairman Mao received a million young revolutionary fighters on August 18. How well he respected the initiative of the masses, trusted them and cared for them! I felt I had learnt far from enough. Then, afterwards, the young Red Guard fighters turned outward to society and vigorously began destroying the old ideas, culture, customs and habits. We, the comrades of the Cultural Revolution Group under the Party Central Committee, rejoiced. But a few days later, new problems cropped up. We immediately gathered the facts and investigated and were therefore able to keep up with the constantly developing revolutionary situation. This is what I have described as striving to follow Mao Tse-tung's thought closely on the one hand, and striving to catch up with the spirit of daring and courage, the revolutionary rebel spirit, of the young revolutionaries on the other.

Comrade Chiang Ching then concentrated on the great cultural revolution in the No. 1 Peking Opera Company of Peking. She said that this company was the first unit in Peking to undertake the glorious task of reforming Peking opera. Directly addressing the opera company, she said: Guided by Mao Tse-tung's thought, in a matter of a few years you have indeed achieved good results in the work of creating operas on contemporary revolutionary themes, and you have thus set an example to the whole country in the reform of Peking opera.

She said: In order to enable plays on contemporary revolutionary themes to be presented at the National Day celebrations, we had many discussions and we supported your performances and opposed the wrong views by which attempts were made to negate your achievements in revolution. We did a certain amount of explanatory work in various circles to enable you to present your Sha Chia Pang (a Peking opera on a contemporary revolutionary theme) and to get on to the stage the Peking operas The Red Lantern, Taking the Bandits' Stronghold, Sea Harbour, and Raid on the White Tiger Regiment, the ballets The Red Detachment of Women and The White-Haired Girl, and symphonic music Sha Chia Pang, etc.

We explained that these creative works were an important triumph of the great proletarian cultural revolution and of Chairman Mao's thinking on literature and art in the service of the workers, peasants and soldiers. And, as facts have proved, the broad masses have recognized our achievements. The revolutionary Marxist-Leninists and the revolutionary people all over the world have placed a high evaluation on them. Chairman Mao and his close comrade-in-arms Comrade Lin Piao, Comrade Chou En-hi, Comrade Chen Po-ta, Comrade Kang Sheng and many other comrades have affirmed our achievements and given us great support and encouragement.

She said: I hope that after we have gone through the struggle and tempering in this great proletarian cultural revolution, we will continue ceaselessly to integrate ourselves with the workers, peasants and soldiers. In this way, we will surely be able to gain new achievements in the reform of Peking opera and other branches of literature and art! Our task is difficult. But we must bravely shoulder this glorious, but arduous, revolutionary task.

Comrade Chiang Ching said that in the great proletarian cultural revolution in the No. 1 Peking Opera Company of Peking there was a very sharp and very complicated class struggle, a struggle for power between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. She said: You have as yet not exposed and criticized the counter-revolutionary revisionist line of the former Peking Municipal Party Committee in a really penetrating and extensive way. Here it is necessary in all seriousness to point out that certain leading members of the No. 1 Peking Opera Company of Peking have not yet seriously drawn a clear-cut line between themselves and the former Peking Municipal Party Committee. They have neither exposed the crimes of the former Peking Municipal Party Committee in a penetrating way nor made a serious criticism of their own mistakes. They implemented the counter-revolutionary revisionist line of the former Peking Municipal Party Committee. Resorting to double dealing, and by either soft or tough methods, they resisted Chairman Mao's instructions, and by double-faced tactics carried out all kinds of obstruction and sabotage to undermine the reform of Peking opera. They played many infamous tricks in their attacks both on you and on us.

The heinous crimes in which the former Peking Municipal Party Committee, the old Propaganda Department of the Party's Central Committee and the old Ministry of Culture ganged up against the Party and the people must be exposed and liquidated in a thoroughgoing way. Likewise, the bourgeois reactionary line within our Party which opposes the proletarian revolutionary line of the Party's Central Committee headed by Chairman Mao must be exposed and criticized in a thoroughgoing way. Otherwise, it will be impossible to safeguard the fruits of our successful revolution.

Certain leading members of the No. 1 Peking Opera Company of Peking must make a clean breast of what they have done and reveal what the others have done in a thoroughgoing way. This is the only way, and there is no other way out. If they really do it after full criticism by the masses, if they "repent genuinely and make a fresh start," they will still be able to take part in the revolution. If they really try to correct their errors and begin anew, if they return to the correct road of the Party, it is still possible for them to strive to become good cadres.

She said: Since the counter-revolutionary revisionist line of the former Peking Municipal Communist Party Committee, the old Propaganda Department of the Party's Central Committee and the old Ministry of Culture has not yet been thoroughly criticized and repudiated, and since the effects of this counter-revolutionary revisionist line on your company have not yet been wiped out, it is impossible for the great proletarian cultural revolution to be conducted thoroughly in your company. And there is the possibility that the movement in your company may go astray and certain people with ulterior motives may usurp the leadership. This would have very harmful effects on the future development of your company.

She added: It is not the case in your company that all the cadres, Party members and Youth League members have made mistakes, or that all the cadres have made the same kind of mistakes. They have to e treated differently, by presenting the facts and reasoning things out, with the attitude of "learning from past mistakes and avoiding future ones and curing the sickness to save the patient." They should be allowed to correct their mistakes and devote themselves to the revolution.

She emphasized that in the great proletarian cultural revolution, the struggle had to be conducted by reasoning and not by coercion or force. There must be no beating of people. Struggle by coercion or by force can only touch the skin and flesh while struggle by reasoning can touch the soul.

She said: I suggest that you hold fast to the general orientation in the struggle, to the correct principles and policy formulated by the Central Committee of the Party and Chairman Mao, oppose the handful of people in authority who are taking the capitalist road, gradually expand and strengthen the ranks of the Left in the course of the struggle, and unite with the overwhelming majority, including those who have been misled, and help them on to the correct road.

Referring to the question of "minority" and "majority," she said one could not talk about a "minority" or "majority" independently of class viewpoint. It is necessary to see who has grasped the truth of Marxism-Leninism, of Mao Tse-tung's thought, who is really maintaining a proletarian revolutionary stand, who is genuinely carrying out the correct line of Chairman Mao. Separate and concrete analysis should be made with regard to each different organization.

In conclusion Comrade Chiang Ching said: I hope that all comrades in the company will raise still higher the great red banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought, give prominence to proletarian politics, resolutely carry out the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao and thoroughly criticize and repudiate the bourgeois reactionary line, unite on the basis of the principles of Marxism-Leninism, of Mao Tse-tung's thought, and complete the three tasks -first, of struggling against and crushing those in authority who are taking the capitalist road; second, of criticizing and repudiating the reactionary bourgeois academic "authorities" and the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes; and third, of transforming education, literature and art and all other parts of the superstructure not in correspondence with the socialist economic base-and that you will make the No. 1 Peking Opera Company of Peking an exemplary revolutionary company which is truly proletarianized and militant!
We Must Revolutionize Our Thinking and Then Revolutionize Sculpture

Chinese Literature
No. 4, 1967, pp. 97-110

EDITORS' NOTE

The clay sculptures Compound Where Rent Was Collected, produced during out great proletarian cultural revolution, are a splendid and completely new departure in the history of Chinese sculpture. They have won the approval of our broad masses of workers, peasants and soldiers, and have received a great welcome from viewers at home and overseas visitors. The success of this work marks yet another brilliant victory for Mao Tse-tung's thought as regards literature and art.

The minds of the sculptors who created Compound Were Rent Was Collected were armed with Mao Tse-tung's thought. This had enabled them to remould their thinking and so had lighted the way for the bringing into being of these new revolutionary works. They followed Chairman Mao's instructions: "If our writers and artists ... want their works to be well received by the masses, they must change and remould their thinking and their feelings." First of all they grappled seriously with the fundamental problem of remoulding their world outlook. They conscientiously and creatively studied and applied Chairman Mao's works, learned humbly from the workers, peasants and soldiers, and fused their thoughts and feelings with those of the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers. Therefore they were able to create art works warmly welcomed by the workers, peasants and soldiers. Because they were armed with Mao Tse-tung's thought, they dared to think, to act, to break through, to make revolution and had the courage to smash the old conventions held sacred by bourgeois "authorities" and to produce new socialist, proletarian works ushering in a new age in China's sculpture. If all revolutionary literary and art workers will follow the example of these sculptors and advance steadfastly in the direction shown by Chairman Mao, they will certainly be able to create more brilliant works worthy of our great age.

Sculpture and Revolution

Chairman Mao in his Talks at the Yenan Forum on Literature and Art instructed revolutionary literary and art workers, "All our literature and art are for the masses of the people, and in the first place for the workers, peasants and soldiers; they are created for the workers, peasants and soldiers and are for their use." For years, however, under the predominant influence of the black bourgeois line in literature and art represented by Chou Yang, a line opposed to the Party, to socialism and to the thought of Mao Tse-tung, Chairman Mao's line on literature and art was not carried out but resisted and attacked. In the field of sculpture, for instance, a handful of bourgeois "specialists" and "authorities" clung stubbornly 0 heir old way of doing things, alleging that "the revolution has deprived sculpture of its vitality," "politics cannot create art," and "politics has turned art into something lifeless." So they did all in their power to resist the revolutionizing of sculpture. However, by far the greater majority of revolutionary comrades believed, "Politics must lead art. If sculpture is to keep up with the great forward advance of the socialist revolution, it must itself undergo a big revolution."

The problem is, essentially, not whether to mould large memorials or small figurines, not whether to use stone, wood or clay as a medium, but something a great deal more important, which path sculpture should take, whether it should serve proletarian politics or bourgeois politics.

When we were first assigned the task of sculpting Compound Where Rent Was Collected, some of us thought: "It will give us no scope," "It's just like working out a graph... making moulds ... nothing to do with art," "and even if we do this job well, no one will appreciate it here in the countryside." What problem did this reveal? The problem of whether art should serve proletarian politics, serve socialism, serve the workers, peasants and soldiers, or whether it should serve the bourgeois ideals of individual fame and profit. In view of this problem, the leadership told us to make a careful study of Chairman Mao's Talks at the Yenan Forum on Literature and Art. We had read the Talks countless times, but each time we studied it we learned something new. This time by studying it with specific problems in mind, in the actual compound where rent had been collected we gained an even deeper understanding of its meaning. We realized that in the past our sculpture had not been created for the workers, peasants and soldiers, much less had it been used by them. Here was a good opportunity to serve them. We should rid ourselves of all selfish ideas and mixed motives, single-mindedly follow Chairman Mao's instructions and produce something of use to the workers, peasants and soldiers, something that the peasants could see, understand and appreciate. After this study of the Talks we all felt this task offered us plenty of scope.

This was the first time we had ever attempted a work on this scale; had consciously taken Chairman Mao's thought on literature and art as our guide; had tried to give direct expression to such an important theme of class struggle; had sculptured a group of figures so large in scope about one central theme; had combined "local" and "foreign" techniques; and had worked as such a large, heterogeneous team....

Since this was the first time and we lacked experience we came up against very great difficulties. What was to be done? Should we abandon the project? Call it off? No. Chairman Mao has taught us that we are now engaged in a cause never undertaken by our forefathers. We should steadfastly follow Chairman Mao's instructions, dare to think, to break through, to act, to open up our own road, to achieve new victory for the proletariat. Revolutionaries always forge ahead regardless of difficulties; those who halt in dismay are contemptible cowards.

Revolution is never easy. If it were easy, it would not be revolution. Our leadership gave us this good advice: "We mustn't be afraid of failure in revolutionizing sculpture. At the worst, failure will leave us with a heap of clay, and after summing up our experience we can start all over again." At the same time the leadership urged us to hold fast to three precious things: Chairman Mao's works, Party leadership and the help of the peasant masses. With these to guide us, all difficulties could be overcome.

If you turn the pages of histories of Chinese sculpture, you find nothing but old bodhisattvas; if you turn the pages of histories of Western sculpture, you find nothing but Western "bodhisattvas." Some people are completely obsessed by Greece, Rome, Northern Wei and the Tang dynasty, by Jesus, the Madonna, David, Venus, Buddha and Kuanyin. They fall prostrate in admiration before these representatives of deities, potentates and beauties of ancient times or foreign lands, regarding them as the pinnacle of world art and investing them with divine qualities. In the seventeen years since liberation, although some sculptures have been made of workers, peasants and soldiers, most of them are still Davids and Venuses dressed up as workers, peasants and soldiers. Apparently foreign dogmas were sacred maxims, and to tamper with them would have been lese-majesty.

Chairman Mao says, "Uncritical transplantation or copying from the ancients and the foreigners is the most sterile and harmful dogmatism in literature and art." "Foreign bodhisattvas" and "ancient bodhisattvas" are not easily overthrown; but it is quite impossible to merely carry out reforms on the basis of "foreign" and "ancient" conventions. Therefore we made up our minds to stage a full-scale rebellion, to completely revolutionize sculpture inside and out, both as regards its content and its form.

Mao Tse-tung's thought is the acme of modem Marxism-Leninism. By arming ourselves with Mao Tse-tung's thought, we dared to despise what had been called the pinnacle of world art. The Western Renaissance and the "golden age" of the Tang dynasty in China may be praised to the skies, but one is bourgeois and the other feudal - neither is proletarian. There is nothing so very wonderful about them, nothing we cannot surpass. We became firmly convinced that if we advanced in the direction pointed out by Chairman Mao in the Talks, we could scale new heights in world art.

We Change Our Feelings

Chairman Mao has said, "If our writers and artists who come from the intelligentsia want their works to be well received by the masses, they must change and remould their thinking and their feelings. Without such a change, without such remoulding, they can do nothing well and will be misfits." The whole process of moulding the figures of Compound Where Rent Was Collected brought home to us the facts that the only way to produce sculpture with strong proletarian feeling was by going among the masses determined to remould our thinking, by learning from them so as to change our own thinking and feelings until we came to love and hate the same things; that only sculptures steeped in proletarian feeling can give those who see them a class education.

We started work on Compound Where Rent Was Collected in June 1965, and finished in October, covering the time from when the paddy was planted out to the harvest and delivery of grain to the state. From the courtyard in front of the compound we heard the whirr of the commune's winnowing-machines and saw peasants filing past the gate to deliver their grain. Smiling all over their faces, commune members trooped into the compound to look at our sculptures, and left with tears in their eyes. This tremendous contrast between the hell before liberation and the heaven after it was something very hard for our team to grasp or imagine, for our average age was less than thirty.

One peasant told us, "It bucks us up nowadays to hear the whirr of the winnowing-machine. But in the old days, whenever it whirred, the landlord made a pile of gold, while we peasants had nothing but tears."

"Now with our sickles we reap a bumper harvest," another said. "But in the old days we put them down to go begging."

"Now, we rush to deliver grain to the state as if the soles of out feet were greased," said another peasant. "But in the old days, delivering grain to the landlord was like lugging a hill -- we could hardly drag ourselves along."

Leng Yueh-ying told us between sobs how she had been thrown into the water-prison for failing to pay her rent in full. Lo Erh-niang showed us the scars on her breasts made by the landlord Liu Wen-tsai, who forced her to act as his wet-nurse and bit her nipples until they streamed with blood. Mother Kan broke down completely while telling us how she had taken her children begging after her husband was press-ganged. Some old peasants described the struggles they had waged, thousands of them parading with a peasant's dead body to denounce the landlord's crimes, many taking to the mountains to fight as guerrillas.... The contrast between the past and the present and the peasants' burning class hatred not only provided us with a wealth of material from real life but taught us many profound truths about class struggle and influenced our way of thinking and our feelings. In our work from start to finish the peasants taught us ideologically, helped us materially, gave us endless advice and encouragement, and also served as our models. This made some of us feel very much ashamed that in the past we had gone down to the country ostensibly to "experience life" but in actuality to collect material in order to make a name or to earn money for ourselves. It also enabled us to understand why our previous sculptures had no feeling, or if they had, it was not the feeling of the working people.

In the past we had often given ourselves airs as "artists" and had behaved as "observers" of life, as the "teachers" of the masses, when actually it should have been the other way round. Summarizing the lessons we had learned in the light of Chairman Mao's teachings and the leadership's instructions, we determined to orientate ourselves correctly, to adopt the right attitude. That meant giving first place to studying the works of Chairman Mao, and making the study of sculpture take second place. It meant revolutionizing our own thought before revolutionizing sculpture. It meant learning from others before reaching others, remoulding our thinking before experiencing life. In short, we determined to put Mao Tse-tung's thought in command of out work and everything we did. So when we reached the exhibition hall of the former landlord's manor-house in Tayi, Szechuan, we studied Chairman Mao's writings before starting work. We went round the exhibits as visitors anxious to learn, not as a "work team" sizing up the situation. Our aim in calling on the peasants was to receive a class education from them and learn from their class feelings, not to collect material. While planning our work and actually moulding the figures we tried to see everything from the standpoint of viewers rather than from that of sculptors.

Precisely because a change took place in our thinking and feelings and we began to take the stand of the workers, peasants and soldiers, our planning of the whole work and our handling of specific parts had the workers, peasants and soldiers in command and were considered from their point of view, in an endeavour to ensure that the peasants could see, understand and appreciate our work. Let us take the treatment of the eyes of the figures as one example. There have long been two foreign ways of sculpting eyes. One is to sculpt the eyeball without any pupil; but the peasants said this made figures look like blind men with open eyes. The other is to hollow out the eye-socket and let the shade represent the pupil; but the peasants complained that figures with this type of eye looked stupid. So we adopted the local folk method of using glass eyes. At first some of us, being unused to this, objected that it "destroyed the overall effect," and was "incongruous." Having put in glass eyes, we wanted to remove them. But the peasants' comment was, "Fine! Those eyes have fire and spirit." So we abided by the peasants' judgement. Soon we became used to the method and began to think highly of it.

The whole process of working on Compound Where Rent Was Collected was a process of thought remoulding, a training class for the study of Chairman Mao's works as well as a training class in sculpture.

Through it we gained a better understanding of the great significance of studying Chairman Mao's works and of learning from the workers, peasants and soldiers, as well as of the fact that all problems can be solved if politics is put first.

Class Struggle, the Class Viewpoint and Class Feeling

OUR GUIDING PRINCIPLE Chairman Mao has said, "When we look at a thing, we must examine its essence and treat its appearance merely as an usher at the threshold, and once we cross the threshold, we must grasp the essence of the thing; this is the only reliable and scientific method of analysis." When we first arrived at the compound where rent had been collected, even though living there we failed to "cross the threshold" because we had not grasped the essence of the place. To us it was simply a place where the peasants had paid their rent to the landlord, and we viewed it much as we would an exchange or a market.

After raising the level of our understanding by studying the works of Chairman Mao and coming into contact with more than a thousand peasants, we gradually became aware that this compound was stained with the blood of countless peasants. The landlord's carved and painted mansion was built of white bones, the delicacies on his table were steeped in blood and tears, and this compound where rent was collected was the focal point of his exploitation of the peasants. As the peasants said, "The compound where the landlord collects rent is the peasants' execution-ground." At opposite poles were the shameless licence and extravagance of the landlord and misery and death of the peasants. Inimical as fire and water during this collecting of rents were the savage, gloating landlord and his thugs and the wretched peasants burning with hatred. This compound was no exchange; nor did the peasants come here as if to a market. It was the arena of a bitter class struggle, the focus of a struggle to the death between the oppressed and oppressors. The collection of rent in this compound was not a simple business transaction, but the economic exploitation and political oppression of the peasants by the landlord class. The delivery and collection of rent were appearances; class struggle was the essence. Only when we understand this thoroughly will we grasp the essence of the thing and be on the right track.

THE CONNECTING THREAD Once we had taken class struggle as our guiding principle, we needed some thread as a link in this chain Of 114 figures spread out over a distance of 96 metres. The most obvious thread was: the rent delivery, inspection of the grain, the winnowing, the weighing, and the accounting. But this was only a series of business transactions. It was more difficult to find a connecting thread with more ideological significance which would show what these transactions really meant. We learned to use the viewpoint of On Contradiction and the dialectical method to understand and organize our material. The whole process of rent collecting was one of class struggle, of developing contradictions.

At the start the wretched, famished peasants are forced to make over the fruit of their whole year's toil to the landlord under the watchful eyes of his thugs. Confronted by these enemies, their hearts burn inwardly with rage, but the contradiction between them is kept hidden. The landlord's underhand dealings during the inspection, winnowing and weighing of the grain make the anger the peasants have been suppressing flare up, and the contradiction between them gradually develops. By the time the accounts are reckoned up, it is white hot. The peasants are quite clearly ranged against the big landlord and local despot Liu Wen-tsai and his thugs. However, because the reactionaries have guns and power, the peasants are savagely treated and compelled to hand over their grain. The contradiction has not been solved, and a new contradiction is taking shape - the peasants are turning towards struggle and revolution. In the succession of sculptured figures this progression, like the gradual upsurge of a tide, is not just aimed at artistic effect but is the inevitable rule of the development of things. From the first old widow bowed down with grief to the final peasant in his prime who sees that his only hope lies in revolution, the contradictions and struggle develop from spontaneous to conscious, from a desperate struggle for existence to revolution and from a quantitative to a qualitative change. Thus, cause and effect, the whole course of development, have their logical, dialectical connection. Not only are the different incidents clear, but so is the red thread connecting them. Experience has taught us the necessity for expressing through the medium of art the unity of variety and progression in the form of mounting waves. Still more important is the ideology guiding this progression. Without Mao Tse-tung's thought to guide us, the hundred-odd characters in Compound Where Rent Was Collected could not have formed an integral whole but would have been chaotic and disconnected. With Chairman Mao's works to guide us, we had a key to all our problems.

THE COMPOUND WHERE RENT WAS COLLECTED AND THE WHOLE OLD SOCIETY At first we took a mechanical view of Liu Wen-tsai and the compound where rent was collected, considering them in isolation. We corrected this after studying On Contradiction and Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society. Liu Wen-tsai did not exist in isolation but had complex class connections and social contacts. He was a big local despot, warlord, official, landlord, gangster and capitalist all in one, who also had contacts with imperialism. In one hand he held a gun, in the other a seal of office. He was a typical product of the old, semi-feudal, semi-colonial China, and it was extremely important to convey this. For his compound where rent was collected actually epitomized the whole of the old society. In the scene of press-ganging and the ransacking of a house in the section Forcing the Peasants to Pay Rent, we used at first only two of the landlord's thugs as negative characters. But once we had a better understanding of the classes and social relations in the old society, we brought in a greater variety of these characters - eleven in all, to back up the landlord. These included a Kuomintang army officer, a bandit chief, a gangster, a "high-class" henchman like the chief accountant, and a "low-class" thug. This mixed crew of reactionaries gave a true picture of the nature of the classes in the old society and added variety to our portrait gallery. Collecting rent was a typical event, the compound where rent was collected was a typical environment of such a scene and Liu Wen-tsai was a typical landlord and despot. By using such things typical of the old society to reveal the essence, by expressing the general through the particular, we presented a microcosm of all pre-liberation China and made this single compound reflect the whole of the old society.

FROM THE STAND OF THE PRESENT RECALL THE PAST AND LOOK AHEAD TO THE FUTURE To start with, the effect we aimed at in this work was to move those who saw it to tears. We thought that would be fine. For very few sculptures can move people to tears. But was that a correct aim? No. Some pernicious works use bourgeois humanism to reduce people to tears. We have observed a trend towards exaggerating grief and terror to arouse men's sympathy and make them weep. This trend appeared in our own work. Thus our first draft had peasants begging the landlord for mercy, showing none of the grit, fortitude or spirit of revolt of the poor, and our aim here was to make the audience weep. Some comrades also proposed depicting all Liu Wen-tsai's cruel tortures, gouging out eyes, cutting off ears, and disembowelling, to arouse pity and horror. But such onesided, superficial treatment, aimed at sensational effects without making a thorough exposure of the old system from the point of view of class struggle, economic exploitation and political persecution, is bound to fall into the pits of naturalism, the old style of realism, or the bourgeois theory of "human nature." Chairman Mao has said, "In class society there is only human nature of a class character." Today's audiences belong to the socialist age. They go to see Compound Where Rent Was Collected not just to shed tears but to receive a class education. They are the revolutionary masses living in a socialist society, who recall the bitterness of the old society for the sake of the socialist revolution, socialist construction, and the struggle for the complete liberation of all mankind. In other words, from the standpoint of the present they recall the past for the sake of the future, Unless we make a clear connection between present, past and future, we shall be unable to combine revolutionary realism with revolutionary romanticism in our creative method, and will make dangerous mistakes. Study and discussion helped us to reach a better understanding, to progress from "tears" to "tears, hate and action." That is to say, recalling past bitterness was to arouse hatred for the reactionaries and deep love for the Party and Chairman Mao, to encourage people to strive hard and to struggle for the Chinese revolution and the world revolution.

In brief, we had to express the savagery of the landlord class as well as its weakness and cowardice; we had to express the misery of the peasants as well as their hatred and revolt; we had to express the cruel reality of that time and foreshadow the bright future. The representation of one compound where rent was collected had to make people think of the whole of the old society and then to link this with the revolutionary struggle throughout the world today.

THE INNER DETERMINES THE OUTER; THE OUTER EXPRESSES THE INNER Chairman Mao has said, "In class society everyone lives as a member of a particular class, and every kind of thinking, without exception, is stamped with the brand of a class." This was our guiding principle in analysing, understanding and moulding the figures in Compound Where Rent Was Collected. This class brand is stamped on men's inner thoughts and feelings as well as on their outer form and actions. The relation here is: the inner determines the outer, the outer expresses the inner. Take the blind old peasant, for instance. He is blind, a poor peasant, and must have the distinctive features of a peasant. Because he cannot pay his rent in full, he is forced to sell his little granddaughter. His heart is overflowing with grief, bitterness and hatred. His whole demeanour must show grief, bitterness and hatred. Or take the apathetic guard at the gate, who keeps his eyes on the ground as if utterly indifferent to the live man being dragged in and the corpse being carried out. He looks thoroughly contemptible, and his callous indifference to the sufferings of others expresses his distinctively ugly soul. Or, there is the sturdy peasant in the last section, who is brimming over with class hatred and understands that the only way out is revolution; his right fist is tightly clenched and he is holding the carrying-pole in his left hand as if it were a gun. He glares wrathfully towards the accountant, as if to say: "Just you wait! One of these days we'll settle accounts with you."

The Approval of the Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Is Our Highest Reward

The news that we were sculpting Compound Where Rent Was Collected spread far and wide, and peasants flocked in from near and far to look at our work. They came with strong class feeling, and left with strong class feeling. They said, "There's no need for any explanation, we can see at a glance just what you mean." "These sculptures are done for us." "They denounce our enemies and speak for us."

Workers who saw the sculptures said, "Workers and peasants are one family. The peasants' sufferings are our sufferings. We must never forget our class bitterness, but always remember the blood, tears and hatred of the old society and carry the revolution through to the end."

Soldiers of the People's Liberation Army said, "The landlord class and the reactionaries could oppress and exploit the peasants because they had political power and guns. Today, the political power and the guns are in our hands; we must keep a firm grip on our weapons so as to defend our country."

Some people wrote in big characters in the visitors' book, "Long live the Communist Party!" "Long live Chairman Mao!"

These comments are couched in different language from that used by art critics. They contain fewer adjectives but are full of proletarian feeling. They are correct and to the point. To our minds, these are the most splendid tributes to our work; we could ask for no better reward.

Facts from life have taught us how much the revolution needs revolutionary sculpture, how much the workers, peasants and soldiers need such sculpture to serve them. But while sculpture was controlled by bourgeois "authorities" and "experts," it did not serve the workers, peasants and soldiers. Therefore we must make a revolution in sculpture before we can produce revolutionary sculptures, and make certain that our sculptures "fit well into the whole revolutionary machine as a component part, that they operate as powerful weapons for uniting and educating the people and for attacking and destroying the enemy."

The success of Compound Where Rent Was Collected is a victory for the thought of Mao Tse-tung, a fruit of the great proletarian cultural revolution, a product of the cooperation between the leadership, the masses and the artists; an outcome of the collective work of both professional and spare-time artists. After completing our work we understand that only art produced in accordance with Chairman Mao's instructions is proletarian revolutionary art. Only works approved of by the workers, peasants and soldiers are good revolutionary works. The life of the workers, peasants and soldiers is the source from which our inspiration springs; they are the people we must serve and our most discriminating critics.

The age of Mao Tse-tung is an age of heroes. We must fervently praise the glorious deeds of the men of Taching and Tachai, and heroes like Lei Feng, Wang Chieh and Chiao Yu-lu. We must forcefully portray events from our revolutionary history; the Long March, the heroes of the War of Resistance Against Japan, our revolutionary martyrs, the struggle against US imperialism, the struggle against capitalist exploitation and oppression. Let us raise high the great red banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought, firmly carry out Chairman Mao's line on literature and art, and boldly press forward.
Mao Tse-tung's Thought Is the
Telescope and Microscope of Our Revolutionary Cause

Peking Review, No. 24 June 10, 1966, pp. 6-7

JIEFANGJUN BAO

The current great socialist cultural revolution is a great revolution to sweep away all monsters and a great revolution that remoulds the ideology of people and touches their souls. What weapon should be used to sweep away all monsters? What ideology should be applied to arm people's minds and remould their souls? The most powerful ideological weapon, the only one, is the great Mao Tse-tung's thought.

Mao Tse-tung's thought is our political orientation, the highest instruction for our actions; it is our ideological and political telescope and microscope for observing and analysing all things. In this unprecedented great cultural revolution, we should apply Mao Tse-tung's thought to observe, analyse and transform everything, and, in a word, put it in command of everything. We should apply Mao Tse-tung's thought to attack boldly and seize victory.

Chairman Mao teaches us: "After the enemies with guns have been wiped out, there will still be enemies without guns; they are bound to struggle desperately against us; we must never regard these enemies lightly." Our struggle against the anti-Party, anti-socialist black line and gangsters is a mighty, life-and-death class struggle. The enemies without guns are more hidden, cunning, sinister and vicious than the enemies with guns. The representatives of the bourgeoisie and all monsters, including the modern revisionists, often oppose the red flag by hoisting a red flag and oppose Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse-tung's thought under the cloak of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse-tung's thought when they attack the Party and socialism, because Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse-tung's thought are becoming more popular day by day, the prestige of our Party and Chairman Mao are incomparably high and the dictatorship of the proletariat of our country is becoming more consolidated. These are the tactics that the revisionists always use in opposing Marxism-Leninism. This is a new characteristic of the class struggle under the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The many facts exposed during the great cultural revolution show us more clearly that the anti-Party and anti-socialist elements are all careerists, schemers and hypocrites of the exploiting classes. They are double-dealing. They feign compliance while acting in opposition. They appear to be men but are demons at heart. They speak human language to your face, but talk devil's language behind your back. They are wolves in sheep's clothing and man-eating tigers with smiling faces. They often use the phrases of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse-tung's thought as a cover while greatly publicizing diametrically opposed views behind the word "but" and smuggling in bourgeois and revisionist stuff. The enemies holding a false red banner are ten times more vicious than enemies holding a white banner. Wolves in sheep's clothing are ten times more sinister than ordinary wolves. Tigers with smiling faces are ten times more ferocious than tigers with their fangs bared and their claws sticking out. Sugar-coated bullets are ten times more destructive than real bullets. A fortress is most vulnerable when attacked from within. Enemies who have wormed their way into our ranks are far more dangerous than enemies operating in the open. We must give this serious attention and be highly vigilant.

In such a very complicated and acute class struggle, how are we to draw a clear-cut line between the enemy and ourselves and maintain a firm stand? How are we to distinguish between revolutionaries and counter-revolutionaries, genuine revolutionaries and sham revolutionaries, and Marxism-Leninism and revisionism? We must master Mao Tse-tung's thought, the powerful ideological weapon, and use it as a telescope and a microscope to observe all matters. With the invincible Mao Tse-tung's thought, with the scientific world outlook and methodology of dialectical materialism and historical materialism which have been developed by Chairman Mao, and with the sharp weapon of

Chairman Mao's theory of classes and class struggle, we have the highest criterion for judging right and wrong. We are able to penetrate deeply into all things and to recognize the whole through observation of the part. We can see the essence behind outward appearance, and clear away the miasma to achieve profound insight into things and thus monsters of all sorts will be unable to hide themselves. We can stand on an eminence, become far-sighted and view the whole situation, the future and the great significance and far-reaching influence of the great socialist cultural revolution. We can advance without the slightest fear and stand in the forefront of the great socialist cultural revolution.

Chairman Mao teaches us: "The proletariat seeks to transform the world according to its own world outlook, so does the bourgeoisie." In the sharp clash between the two world outlooks, either you crush me, or I crush you. It will not do to sit on the fence; there is no middle road. The overthrown bourgeoisie, in their plots for restoration and subversion, always give first place to ideology, take hold of ideology and the superstructure. The representatives of the bourgeoisie, by using their position and power, usurped and controlled the leadership of a number of departments, did all they could to spread bourgeois and revisionist poison through the media of literature, the theatre, films, music, the arts, the press, periodicals, the radio, publications and academic research and in schools, etc., in an attempt to corrupt people's minds and perpetrate "peaceful evolution" as ideological preparation and preparation of public opinion for capitalist restoration. If our proletarian ideology does not take over the position, then the bourgeois ideology will have free rein; it will gradually nibble away and chew you up bit by bit. Once proletarian ideology gives way, so will the superstructure and the economic base and this means the restoration of capitalism. Therefore, we must arm our minds with Mao Tse-tung's thought and establish a firm proletarian world outlook. We must use the great Mao Tse-tung's thought to fight and completely destroy the bourgeois ideological and cultural positions.

Mao Tse-tung's thought is the acme of Marxism-Leninism in the present era. It is living Marxism-Leninism at its highest. It is the powerful, invincible weapon of the Chinese people, and it is also a powerful invincible weapon of the revolutionary people the world over. Mao Tse-tung's thought has proved to be invincible truth through the practice of China's democratic revolution, socialist revolution and socialist construction, and through the struggle in the international sphere against U.S. imperialism and its lackeys and against Khrushchov revisionism. Chairman Mao has, with the gifts of genius, creatively and comprehensively developed Marxism-Leninism. Basing himself on the fundamental theses of Marx ism-Leninism, Chairman Mao has summed up the experience of the practice of the Chinese revolution and the world revolution, and the painful lesson of the usurpation of the leadership of the Party and the state of the Soviet Union by the modern revisionist clique, systematically put forward the theory concerning classes, class contradictions and class struggle that exist in socialist society, greatly enriched and developed the Marxist-Leninist theory on the dictatorship of the proletariat, and put forward a series of wise policies aimed at opposing and preventing revisionism and the restoration of capitalism. All this ensures that our country will always maintain its revolutionary spirit and never change its colour, and it is of extremely great theoretical and practical significance to the revolutionary cause of the international proletariat. Every sentence by Chairman Mao is truth, and carries more weight than ten thousand ordinary sentences. As the Chinese people master Mao Tse-tung's thought, China will be prosperous and ever-victorious. Once the world's people master Mao Tse-tung's thought which is living Marxism-Leninism, they are sure to win their emancipation, bury imperialism, modern revisionism and all reactionaries lock, stock and barrel, and realize communism throughout the world step by step.

The most fundamental task in the great socialist cultural revolution in our country is to eliminate thoroughly the old ideology and culture, the old customs and habits which were fostered by all the exploiting classes for thousands of years to poison the minds of the people, and to create and form an entirely new, proletarian ideology and culture, new customs and habits among the masses of the people. This is to creatively study and apply Mao Tse-tung's thought in tempestuous class struggle, popularize it and let it become closely integrated with the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers. Once the masses grasp it, Mao Tse-tung's thought will be transformed into a mighty material force. Facts show that those armed with Mao Tse-tung's thought are the bravest, wisest, most united, most steadfast in class stand and have the sharpest sight. In this great, stormy cultural revolution, the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers are the main force -- this is the result of their efforts in creatively studying and applying Mao Tse-tung's thought and arming their ideology with it. This is another eloquent proof of the fact that when the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers master the political telescope and microscope of Mao Tse-tung's thought, they are invincible and ever-triumphant. None of the monsters can escape their sharp sight, no matter what the tricks used or what the clever camouflage employed, "36 stratagems" or "72 metamorphoses." Not a single bourgeois stronghold can escape thorough destruction.

The attitude towards Mao Tse-tung's thought, whether to accept it or resist it, to support it or oppose it, to love it warmly or be hostile to it, this is the touchstone to test and the watershed between true revolution and sham revolution, between revolution and counter-revolution, between Marxism-Leninism and revisionism. He who wants to make revolution must accept Mao Tse-tung's thought and act in accordance with it. A counter-revolutionary will inevitably disparage, distort, resist, attack and oppose Mao Tse-tung's thought. The "authorities" of the bourgeoisie and all monsters, including the modern revisionists, use every means to slander Mao Tse-tung's thought, and they are extremely hostile to the creative study and application of Mao Tse-tung's works by the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers. They wildly attack the creative study and application of Mao Tse-tung's works by workers, peasants and soldiers as "philistinism," "oversimplification" and "pragmatism." The only explanation is that this flows from their exploiting class instinct. They fear Mao Tse-tung's thought, the revolutionary truth of the proletariat, and particularly the integration of Mao Tse-tung's thought with the worker, peasant and soldier masses. Once the workers, peasants and soldiers master the sharp weapon of Mao Tse-tung's thought, all monsters have no ground left to stand on. All their intrigues and plots will be thoroughly exposed, their ugly features will be brought into the broad light of day and their dream to restore capitalism will be utterly shattered.

The class enemy won't fall down, if you don't hit him. He still tries to rise to his feet after he has fallen. When one black line is eliminated, another appears. When one gang of representatives of the bourgeoisie has been laid low, a new one takes the stage. We must follow the instructions of the Central Committee of the Communist. Party of China and never forget the class struggle, never forget the dictatorship of the proletariat, never forget to put politics first, never forget to hold aloft the great red banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought. We must firmly put politics first. We must creatively study and apply still better Chairman Mao Tse-tung's works, putting stress on the importance of application. We must consider Chairman Mao's works the supreme directive for all our work. We must master Mao Tse-tung's thought and pass it on from generation to generation. This is dictated by the needs of the revolution, the situation, the struggle against the enemy, the preparations to smash aggressive war by U.S. imperialism, of opposing and preventing revisionism, preventing the restoration of capitalism, of building socialism with greater, faster, better and more economical results and of ensuring the gradual transition from socialism to communism in China. Chairman Mao is the radiant sun lighting our minds. Mao Tse-tung's thought is our lifeline. Those who oppose Mao Tse-tung's thought, at any time and no matter what kind of "authorities" they are, will be denounced by the entire Party and the whole nation.

Peking Review

Mao Tse-tung's Thought Is the
Telescope and Microscope of Our Revolutionary Cause

Peking Review, No. 24 June 10, 1966, pp. 6-7

JIEFANGJUN BAO

The current great socialist cultural revolution is a great revolution to sweep away all monsters and a great revolution that remoulds the ideology of people and touches their souls. What weapon should be used to sweep away all monsters? What ideology should be applied to arm people's minds and remould their souls? The most powerful ideological weapon, the only one, is the great Mao Tse-tung's thought.

Mao Tse-tung's thought is our political orientation, the highest instruction for our actions; it is our ideological and political telescope and microscope for observing and analysing all things. In this unprecedented great cultural revolution, we should apply Mao Tse-tung's thought to observe, analyse and transform everything, and, in a word, put it in command of everything. We should apply Mao Tse-tung's thought to attack boldly and seize victory.

Chairman Mao teaches us: "After the enemies with guns have been wiped out, there will still be enemies without guns; they are bound to struggle desperately against us; we must never regard these enemies lightly." Our struggle against the anti-Party, anti-socialist black line and gangsters is a mighty, life-and-death class struggle. The enemies without guns are more hidden, cunning, sinister and vicious than the enemies with guns. The representatives of the bourgeoisie and all monsters, including the modern revisionists, often oppose the red flag by hoisting a red flag and oppose Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse-tung's thought under the cloak of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse-tung's thought when they attack the Party and socialism, because Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse-tung's thought are becoming more popular day by day, the prestige of our Party and Chairman Mao are incomparably high and the dictatorship of the proletariat of our country is becoming more consolidated. These are the tactics that the revisionists always use in opposing Marxism-Leninism. This is a new characteristic of the class struggle under the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The many facts exposed during the great cultural revolution show us more clearly that the anti-Party and anti-socialist elements are all careerists, schemers and hypocrites of the exploiting classes. They are double-dealing. They feign compliance while acting in opposition. They appear to be men but are demons at heart. They speak human language to your face, but talk devil's language behind your back. They are wolves in sheep's clothing and man-eating tigers with smiling faces. They often use the phrases of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse-tung's thought as a cover while greatly publicizing diametrically opposed views behind the word "but" and smuggling in bourgeois and revisionist stuff. The enemies holding a false red banner are ten times more vicious than enemies holding a white banner. Wolves in sheep's clothing are ten times more sinister than ordinary wolves. Tigers with smiling faces are ten times more ferocious than tigers with their fangs bared and their claws sticking out. Sugar-coated bullets are ten times more destructive than real bullets. A fortress is most vulnerable when attacked from within. Enemies who have wormed their way into our ranks are far more dangerous than enemies operating in the open. We must give this serious attention and be highly vigilant.

In such a very complicated and acute class struggle, how are we to draw a clear-cut line between the enemy and ourselves and maintain a firm stand? How are we to distinguish between revolutionaries and counter-revolutionaries, genuine revolutionaries and sham revolutionaries, and Marxism-Leninism and revisionism? We must master Mao Tse-tung's thought, the powerful ideological weapon, and use it as a telescope and a microscope to observe all matters. With the invincible Mao Tse-tung's thought, with the scientific world outlook and methodology of dialectical materialism and historical materialism which have been developed by Chairman Mao, and with the sharp weapon of

Chairman Mao's theory of classes and class struggle, we have the highest criterion for judging right and wrong. We are able to penetrate deeply into all things and to recognize the whole through observation of the part. We can see the essence behind outward appearance, and clear away the miasma to achieve profound insight into things and thus monsters of all sorts will be unable to hide themselves. We can stand on an eminence, become far-sighted and view the whole situation, the future and the great significance and far-reaching influence of the great socialist cultural revolution. We can advance without the slightest fear and stand in the forefront of the great socialist cultural revolution.

Chairman Mao teaches us: "The proletariat seeks to transform the world according to its own world outlook, so does the bourgeoisie." In the sharp clash between the two world outlooks, either you crush me, or I crush you. It will not do to sit on the fence; there is no middle road. The overthrown bourgeoisie, in their plots for restoration and subversion, always give first place to ideology, take hold of ideology and the superstructure. The representatives of the bourgeoisie, by using their position and power, usurped and controlled the leadership of a number of departments, did all they could to spread bourgeois and revisionist poison through the media of literature, the theatre, films, music, the arts, the press, periodicals, the radio, publications and academic research and in schools, etc., in an attempt to corrupt people's minds and perpetrate "peaceful evolution" as ideological preparation and preparation of public opinion for capitalist restoration. If our proletarian ideology does not take over the position, then the bourgeois ideology will have free rein; it will gradually nibble away and chew you up bit by bit. Once proletarian ideology gives way, so will the superstructure and the economic base and this means the restoration of capitalism. Therefore, we must arm our minds with Mao Tse-tung's thought and establish a firm proletarian world outlook. We must use the great Mao Tse-tung's thought to fight and completely destroy the bourgeois ideological and cultural positions.

Mao Tse-tung's thought is the acme of Marxism-Leninism in the present era. It is living Marxism-Leninism at its highest. It is the powerful, invincible weapon of the Chinese people, and it is also a powerful invincible weapon of the revolutionary people the world over. Mao Tse-tung's thought has proved to be invincible truth through the practice of China's democratic revolution, socialist revolution and socialist construction, and through the struggle in the international sphere against U.S. imperialism and its lackeys and against Khrushchov revisionism. Chairman Mao has, with the gifts of genius, creatively and comprehensively developed Marxism-Leninism. Basing himself on the fundamental theses of Marx ism-Leninism, Chairman Mao has summed up the experience of the practice of the Chinese revolution and the world revolution, and the painful lesson of the usurpation of the leadership of the Party and the state of the Soviet Union by the modern revisionist clique, systematically put forward the theory concerning classes, class contradictions and class struggle that exist in socialist society, greatly enriched and developed the Marxist-Leninist theory on the dictatorship of the proletariat, and put forward a series of wise policies aimed at opposing and preventing revisionism and the restoration of capitalism. All this ensures that our country will always maintain its revolutionary spirit and never change its colour, and it is of extremely great theoretical and practical significance to the revolutionary cause of the international proletariat. Every sentence by Chairman Mao is truth, and carries more weight than ten thousand ordinary sentences. As the Chinese people master Mao Tse-tung's thought, China will be prosperous and ever-victorious. Once the world's people master Mao Tse-tung's thought which is living Marxism-Leninism, they are sure to win their emancipation, bury imperialism, modern revisionism and all reactionaries lock, stock and barrel, and realize communism throughout the world step by step.

The most fundamental task in the great socialist cultural revolution in our country is to eliminate thoroughly the old ideology and culture, the old customs and habits which were fostered by all the exploiting classes for thousands of years to poison the minds of the people, and to create and form an entirely new, proletarian ideology and culture, new customs and habits among the masses of the people. This is to creatively study and apply Mao Tse-tung's thought in tempestuous class struggle, popularize it and let it become closely integrated with the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers. Once the masses grasp it, Mao Tse-tung's thought will be transformed into a mighty material force. Facts show that those armed with Mao Tse-tung's thought are the bravest, wisest, most united, most steadfast in class stand and have the sharpest sight. In this great, stormy cultural revolution, the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers are the main force -- this is the result of their efforts in creatively studying and applying Mao Tse-tung's thought and arming their ideology with it. This is another eloquent proof of the fact that when the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers master the political telescope and microscope of Mao Tse-tung's thought, they are invincible and ever-triumphant. None of the monsters can escape their sharp sight, no matter what the tricks used or what the clever camouflage employed, "36 stratagems" or "72 metamorphoses." Not a single bourgeois stronghold can escape thorough destruction.

The attitude towards Mao Tse-tung's thought, whether to accept it or resist it, to support it or oppose it, to love it warmly or be hostile to it, this is the touchstone to test and the watershed between true revolution and sham revolution, between revolution and counter-revolution, between Marxism-Leninism and revisionism. He who wants to make revolution must accept Mao Tse-tung's thought and act in accordance with it. A counter-revolutionary will inevitably disparage, distort, resist, attack and oppose Mao Tse-tung's thought. The "authorities" of the bourgeoisie and all monsters, including the modern revisionists, use every means to slander Mao Tse-tung's thought, and they are extremely hostile to the creative study and application of Mao Tse-tung's works by the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers. They wildly attack the creative study and application of Mao Tse-tung's works by workers, peasants and soldiers as "philistinism," "oversimplification" and "pragmatism." The only explanation is that this flows from their exploiting class instinct. They fear Mao Tse-tung's thought, the revolutionary truth of the proletariat, and particularly the integration of Mao Tse-tung's thought with the worker, peasant and soldier masses. Once the workers, peasants and soldiers master the sharp weapon of Mao Tse-tung's thought, all monsters have no ground left to stand on. All their intrigues and plots will be thoroughly exposed, their ugly features will be brought into the broad light of day and their dream to restore capitalism will be utterly shattered.

The class enemy won't fall down, if you don't hit him. He still tries to rise to his feet after he has fallen. When one black line is eliminated, another appears. When one gang of representatives of the bourgeoisie has been laid low, a new one takes the stage. We must follow the instructions of the Central Committee of the Communist. Party of China and never forget the class struggle, never forget the dictatorship of the proletariat, never forget to put politics first, never forget to hold aloft the great red banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought. We must firmly put politics first. We must creatively study and apply still better Chairman Mao Tse-tung's works, putting stress on the importance of application. We must consider Chairman Mao's works the supreme directive for all our work. We must master Mao Tse-tung's thought and pass it on from generation to generation. This is dictated by the needs of the revolution, the situation, the struggle against the enemy, the preparations to smash aggressive war by U.S. imperialism, of opposing and preventing revisionism, preventing the restoration of capitalism, of building socialism with greater, faster, better and more economical results and of ensuring the gradual transition from socialism to communism in China. Chairman Mao is the radiant sun lighting our minds. Mao Tse-tung's thought is our lifeline. Those who oppose Mao Tse-tung's thought, at any time and no matter what kind of "authorities" they are, will be denounced by the entire Party and the whole nation.
The following text is taken from: Rent Collection Courtyard - Sculptures of Oppression and Revolt (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, Beijing, 1968).

Comments from the Workers, Peasants and Soldiers

"Rent Collection Courtyard", the large group of clay sculptures, has won the warm welcome and high praise of the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers of the capital. Many people, with tears in their eyes, saw it four or five times or more. Some came back several days in a row, each time reluctant to leave the exhibition. Attendance reached several million. Such public enthusiasm is unprecedented in the history of art, Chinese or foreign.

The spectators praised this distinguished new group of sculptures, never seen in China or abroad either in the past or the present, as a living example of the revolutionization of the art of sculpture, an epoch-making milestone in sculptural art and a brilliant victory for the great thinking of Mao Tse-tung. It has opened the epoch of proletarian revolutionary sculpture.

The spectators said that this was the first time they had seen such a good art exhibition in the 17 years of liberation, and the first time that revolutionary sculptural art had so deeply moved them with such stirring power. This group of sculptures, they said, is like a torch that lights the flames of class hatred in the hearts of the workers, peasants and soldiers, powerfully stirs their revolutionary enthusiasm and inspires their revolutionary fighting spirit. "This is real art!" they said in praise, "This is art we labouring people need! It truly says what's in our hearts!"

Worker, peasant and soldier spectators unanimously consider the successful creation of "Rent Collection Courtyard" as another brilliant victory achieved by following the great thinking of Mao Tse-tung in the great cultural revolution and a heavy and telling blow to the lordly bourgeois "authorities" who attempted to occupy the positions of sculptural art.

The workers, peasants, and the soldiers of the People's Liberation Army were indignant that for thousands of years clay sculpture had portrayed only emperors, kings, warriors, ministers, scholars, ladies, idols, demons and gods - all poisons which the exploiting classes used to spread feudal and superstitious ideas and corrupt the people's revolutionary fighting will. Foreign sculptures likewise rarely portray workers, peasants and soldiers. The workers, peasants and soldiers had no desire whatsoever to look at them. This time the revolutionary artists have boldly spoken up for us proletariat. With the invincible weapon of Mao Tse-tung's thought, they have done what their predecessors had never done.

A GOOD SCHOOL FOR CLASS EDUCATION, A LIVING TEXTBOOK OF CLASS STRUGGLE

The "Rent Collection Courtyard" exhibit is an excellent school for class education and a living textbook of class struggle. Looking at it enraged the workers, peasants and soldiers, provoking their hatred of the landlords, bourgeoisie, imperialism and modem revisionism. They were reminded of the oppression and exploitation that made their life miserable generation after generation. They accused on the spot the landlords and capitalists and the dark rule of the reactionaries in the old society for their crimes. A woman commune member from Anhwei province, pointing to the sculpture of the little girl taken away and sold to the landlord as a slave, said just one sentence, "I was the same as she!" and burst out weeping. In tears, she accused the landlord of every kind of cruel enslavement, oppression and persecution in the decade in which she had been a slave girl to him. Hearing her story filled the spectators with irrepressible anger and indignation. There were endless moving examples like this in which the spectators and the sculptured character became one in thought and feeling. "Rent Collection Courtyard" has become a platform from which the most powerful accusation is made against the criminal old society and the exploiting class which killed people without blinking.

A soldier of the P.L.A. said that the group of sculptures is a picture of tens of thousands of rent collection courtyards in the rural areas of old China. It gave people a deeper sense of the truth that if one does not understand classes, and does not understand exploitation, one cannot understand revolution. It made them see better the great significance of Chairman Mao's teachings on classes and class struggle.

NEVER LET THE TRAGEDY BE RE-ENACTED!

A worker in the Peking No. 1 Cotton Textile Mill said that after seeing "Rent Collection Courtyard" he understood better the importance of the working people's holding the rifle and the pen in their own hands. He saw more clearly that the current great cultural revolution is a lifeand-death class struggle between the bourgeoisie attempting to restore capital

ism and the proletariat against it, that the cultural revolution is an event of primary importance to the destiny and future of the Party and the country.

A worker of the Peking No. 2 General Machinery Plant wrote in the visitors' book, "If we let the anti-Party and anti-socialist sinister gang carry out their sinister schemes, just take a look at "Rent Collection Courtyard" to see what kind of a world that would be like!" Many workers, peasants and soldiers said that "to forget the past means betrayal", that they would never allow the tragedy of "Rent Collection Courtyard" to be re-enacted. They said that the history of decades of revolutionary struggles was the history of the thinking of Mao Tse-tung taking hold of the masses of the workers, peasants and soldiers. It was under the guidance of the thinking of Mao Tse-tung that we have overthrown thousands of Liu Wen-tsais, smashed thousands of rent collection courtyards and built a new socialist China.

A member of the Evergreen People's Commune said, "Today in many countries in the world there are countless Liu Wen-tsais still oppressing and exploiting the labouring people, while those Liu Wen-tsais already overthrown in our country, never willingly accepting their due punishment, will always try to regain their power to again ride roughshod over the people. We must always remember Chairman Mao's teachings, never forget class struggle, never forget the sufferings caused by class oppression, and always remember the debt in blood and tears which the exploiting classes owe the labouring people. Hold fast to the gun, take up the pen, and struggle resolutely against all class enemies in and out of the country to the end. Sweep away all monsters and thoroughly destroy the old ideology, culture, customs and habits created by the exploiting classes to poison the people for thousands of years. Eliminate all roots of capitalism and revisionism so that all the rent collection courtyards in China will never return, so that all the rent collection courtyards in the world will be smashed forever."

THE UNITY OF POLITICS AND ART

While praising "Rent Collection Courtyard" for its deep political and ideological content, the workers, peasants and soldiers evaluated its artistic achievement highly. They consider that this new group of clay sculptures has achieved a unity of revolutionary political content and fine artistic form.

They warmly praised the revolutionary sculptors for their creative study and application of Chairman Mao's works and their persistence in following Chairman Mao's direction and line in literature and art for going among the workers, peasants and soldiers and becoming one with them. They said that precisely because the revolutionary artists followed Chairman Mao's teachings, they were able to create a brilliant artistic portrayal of the peasant masses with a clear-cut viewpoint of classes and class struggle and deep proletarian class feeling. They enthusiastically sang the praises of the heroic peasant masses daring to resist and struggle against oppression.

They also said that the artistic images are all well formed, true to life and finely delineated. Though all represent labouring peasants suffering from oppression, yet every image has its own distinct character, expression, attitude and movement, each seems alive and real, lively and moving. They look as if they would answer when you call and reply if you asked them a question. At the first glance you know what the peasants portrayed are thinking. You seem to be looking at the real person, and to be in the real place and surroundings. "When I saw those man-eating beasts," an athlete of the People's Liberation Army said, "those landlord's lackeys cruelly bullying the peasants, my heart seemed to burst with anger. I gnashed my teeth and raised my fist to strike the villains. I had to tell myself that they were only clay sculptures and not real men before I could force myself to draw back my fist."

Every worker and peasant, and every soldier of the People's Liberation Army who saw "Rent Collection Courtyard" walked out of the exhibition shaken with irresistible emotion. One visitor, unable to express the million words in his heart, wrote only:

Hate, hate, hate,
Hate the ten-thousand-times-criminal old society;
Love, love, love,
Love ten thousand times deeply our new China.

These words express the sincerest feeling of thousands of workers, peasants and soldiers.

Many visitors asked that the large clay sculpture group, "Rent Collection Courtyard", be kept on permanent exhibition in order to teach this and the next generation never to forget class struggle, never to forget the dictatorship of the proletariat, never to forget to give prominence to politics, never to forget to hold high the great red banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought, to make revolution always, never let revisionism emerge, and safeguard our socialist state so it will never change its revolutionary red colour.

Comments from Foreign Friends

The group of large clay sculptures entitled "Rent Collection Courtyard" was enthusiastically welcomed and warmly praised by many foreign friends from every continent. They hailed the birth of "Rent Collection Courtyard" as an unprecedented miracle in the world's history of sculpture, a brilliant victory for Mao Tse-tung's thought.

E. F. Hill, Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Australia (Marxist-Leninist), wrote in the visitors' book: "The exhibition vividly demonstrates the ruthless oppression of the peasants in old China. It shows that the only way out is struggle. The wonderful exhibition also shows how art can and must be a weapon in the struggle for the emancipation of the people. It is truly an inspiration."

V. G. Wilcox, General Secretary of the National Committee of the Communist Party of New Zealand, congratulated the Chinese artists for their distinguished achievements. "To see these stirring clay sculptures of 'Rent Collection Courtyard'," he said, "is a very extraordinary experience."

José Venturelli, world famous Chilean painter, said, "The bourgeoisie claims that art is above classes and that art which serves class struggle must be mediocre art. However, all the great creations in the world serve class struggle and are created by the advanced class. The road you have taken is very correct. It is of vital importance that art should serve politics. Art must serve definite ideology, serve politics. You are engaged in a very important work, that is, work for the revolution. You see things in the light of the world revolution, and in this respect you have reached a very advanced level." He added, "Artistically, the sculptures are an outstanding success."

"Rent Collection Courtyard" vividly reflects in a penetrating way the deep misery of the Chinese peasants under the cruel oppression and exploitation of the landlord class before the liberation. It struck a strong chord of sympathy among foreign friends. The miserable life of the Chinese peasants in the past made a group of women visitors from Africa think of the life of the people in their own country today. They said that their people live in extreme poverty and have been suffering the same exploitation and oppression as the peasants of old China. Now they too have gone on the road of struggle as the Chinese people did. The exhibition, the women said, gave them strength in their struggle.

Many foreign guests highly praised "Rent Collection Courtyard!' for lauding the spirit of resistance and struggle of the peasants. A Norwegian friend said, "The exhibition tells us the truth that without class struggle there is no victory."

Many foreign friends considered "Rent Collection Courtyard" as the best classroom for studying Chairman Mao's thought and learning class struggle. They called it "a most educational lesson". H. M. Petrela, correspondent for the Albanian paper Zeri I Popullit, said, "It is not only a novel creation in sculpture but also a great event in revolutionary work. The exhibition serves as a good school for educating the younger generation so that they know what life was like in the past and will study harder and work better today."

A. R. Aboukoss, Syrian permanent secretary of the Afro-Asian Journalists' Association, said, "'Rent Collection Courtyard' has great educational meaning. One gains more by seeing this exhibition than by reading a thousand or ten thousand books."

While praising the tremendous part it plays in class education and its immense social meaning, foreign friends rated the artistic achievements of "Rent Collection Courtyard" high. In an enthusiastic letter, a Chilean friend wrote that the group of sculptures "combines outstanding social and educational meaning with art hard to describe with words. . . . The Szechuan artists gave astonishing artistic value to clay. The expression on each face, each unforgettable gesture, and the life these images portray, make up a deeply moving picture. Every detail contributes to artistic wealth."

Many foreign friends praised the "Rent Collection Courtyard" sculptures as lively and moving. They liked particularly those with "expressions of resistance and struggle" and with "hatred in their eyes".

A Chilean expert who works in China said, "Only those who have a deep understanding of the people and a deep hatred of the enemy can reflect all these through the special properties of art.... Through these works we see how the sculptors love and understand the people and place themselves among the masses; how they hate the class enemy who had enslaved the people; how determined they are to eliminate oppression and depart forever from the dark road of the capitalist society of man exploiting man. We also see how the artists express their views freely and live happily in today's China."